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Old Accra Anew–Get Involved


The journey of 38 Forts and Castles, Ghana

 

 

 

In August 2011, I visited 4 of these forts (Fort Oranje, Sekondi. Fort Metal Cross, Dixcove. Fort Gross Fredericksburg, Princes Town. and Fort San Sebatian, Shama). Here are photographs from that trip http://thedoorofreturn.wordpress.com.

7 down and 22 more to go. The journey continues in December 2011.


and then?

A Ghanaian fisherman was sitting on the beach under a coconut tree, and wealthy educated man came to him and asked him: “young man, aren’t you a fisherman? why are you out there fishing?”

fisherman: “I have already been, Ive caught 4 fish and that is all I’ll need today”.

Man: “but if you go out now and catch more fish!”

Fisherman: “And then?”

Man: “You can catch more and sell them”

Fisherman: And then?

Man: Then you can make more money

Fisherman: And then?

Man: then you can start a proper business

Fisherman: and then?

Man: then you can hire more people and your business can grow

Fisherman: and then?

Man: then you can make much more money and put it in a bank

Fisherman: and then?

Man: then you can gain interest and make much more money

Fisherman: and then?

….the story goes on and on…

Man: And then you can own 5 fishing entreprises

Fisherman: and then what?

Man: then you can sit back relax my friend !

Fisherman: Boss, but I dont know if you’ve noticed Im already relaxing here.


it’s 5 o’something…the beginning of my voyage to all of Ghana’s forts

Went up to Axim this weekend and made a resolution to visit all of Ghana’s forts before July 2011 is up. It began this weekend with Fort St. Anthony in Axim built in 1515 by the Portuguese (second oldest fort in Sub-Saharran Africa).

This is the oldest clock in the country, brought by the Portuguese. It stopped working a long time ago, but it looks like the time stopped at 5.25ish.


Thrombolites, Lake Clifton

Images from Day 3 (SymbioticA’s ‘Unruly Ecologies‘) Lake Clifton, Western Australia


 




Brazil House

Back in Accra for two months to finish up my thesis research on the Brazil House in Jamestown.

Source: Brazil House Rehabilitation Project UNESCO

The Brazil House is located on a small cliff off Ghana’s coastline, the first house from the East on Brazil Lane.  In precolonial era, the  house  occupied a central position between British and Dutch Accra, a ten minute walk to the James Fort and an even shorter distance in the opposite direction towards Ussherfort. There are five main arteries that run from High Street to intersect with Brazil Lane. Even more importantly, the backyards of houses of the house overlooks the most important economic entryway into Ghana until the twentieth century, the Fishing Harbor. Of all these houses, Brazil House is the closest to the harbor, directly below it today still lies a colorful stretch of fishing boats. Yet entering Brazil Lane on foot, one feels a withdrawal from the hectic main road that runs through Jamestown. It is a highly strategic siting of land, one that throughout time negotiates and leads a changing Jamestown.

I am using the ‘critical geography‘ approach to studying its architecture. The advantage of doing so specifically with this house is derived from the wider narrative it constructs of urban growth in Accra : (bullet point narrative below)

**In 1836–the Tabon AfroBrazilian slaves returned to Accra. The head of one of the families, Mahama Nassau, built a one-storey house where the current house stands.The fact that he was able to acquire land is important—because it shows how the Ga society completely integrates  outsiders into their community by allowing them to buy land, engage in trading activities and become part of their royal court.

It also tells of the beginning of how the economy based in people (slavery)was now changing to an economy based in land.
** In 1874–Mahama Nassau’s grandson, Kofi Acquah now head of the house, demolishes the first house and builds a two storey house. This elaborates more on how land and property has become a stonger economic value and reflects the expansion and flourishment of the family trade in agriculture in inland Accra (now Adabraka and Asylum Down area).
** Between 1874-1942—Kofi Acquah rents out the house to foreign traders. Why the family decided to lease out the house has a lot to do with the harsh economic climate of the time and the expansion of Accra itself.
Many of the Tabon peopel begin to sell their inland properties to the British, who construct Accra’s first planned neighborhoods on these very lands.
(1942–At this point there is an economic boom in Accra because of cocoa trade. The family descendants return–Adelaide Apponsah Acquah married to William Lutterodt. Their raise their daughter Georgina Wood there. But they move to Tema, because William is appointed an important administrative position in Tema, the new industrial hub [the Jamestown port here is moved to Tema])
**2001-declared a word heritage site. A globalizing Accra is seen in the numbers of parties who invest in preserving this history–local and global (UNESCO, Brazilian Embassy, Ga-Mashie, Lutterodt family, AMA).
Ultimately the physical architecture of the house is my subject matter, but  these various  changes brought about by the producers (architects, rehabilitators, planners) and the consumers (inhabitants, tenants, family members) tell different and  important histories. Mapped against one another, the agency of the house’s architecture becomes clear–to various degrees reminding us of its past and resisting future appropriations.
In 1836–the Tabon Brazilian slaves returned to Accra and the head of one

of the families built a one-storey house where the current house stands.
The fact that the head of the family, Mama Nassau, was able to purchase
land is important—because it shows the beginning of how the economy based in people (slavery)
was now changing to an economy based in land.
It also tells of how the Ga society was willing to incorporate outsiders into their community
by allowing them to buy land and engage in trading activities.
2. In 1874–Mama Nassau grandson, Kofi Acquah now head of the house, demolishes
the first house and builds a second storey house. This elaborates more on
how land and property has become a stonger economic value and reflects
the expansion and flourishment of the family trade.
3. Sometime between 1874-1942—Kofi Acquah rents out the house to foreign
traders. This has a lot to do with the economic crisis and the expansion of Accra itself,
and why the family decided to lease out the house
4. 1942–At this point there is an economic boom in Accra because of cocoa trade.
The family descendants return–Adelaide Apponsah Acquah married to William Lutterodt.
Their raise their daughter Georgina Wood there. But they move to Tema, because
William, I think, got a better job offer in Tema, the new industrial hub…the port here is
moved to Tema.
5. 1974-2001. Other Acquah relatives live there, this has a lot to do with the
mobile successful family members moving out. This is a the vast situation of family
housing in Ghana especially in Jamestown.
6. 2001-declared a word heritage site. Globalizing Accra is seen in the numbers
of parties who invest in preserving this history–local and global (UNESCO, Brazilian
Embassy, Ga-Mashie, Lutterodt family, AMA). Whose aesthetics comes into play here
looking at the renovation product.

Negotium

Just beginning to work on an article for Discourse (3rd edition which will focus on the global financial crisis), and this sort of stems off the documentary I’m working on with Joe Addo. Here’s the abstract:

Negotium: Architecture of the Multicultural

Accra: A case-study

House in GhanaThe article portrays the economic and cultural history of Accra, the capital city of Ghana, in a narrative that illustrates the nature and direction of its expanding and multi-nodal landscape. Historically, Accra the colonial city has been described as spatially delineated and culturally differentiated. The creation of Victoriasburg compartmentalized and restricted the growth of local indigenous communities from the European colonial administrative and economic headquarters in the mid 1890s. Following a major economic boom from 1910-19, that rendered competition among European and the African elite traders, two health scares– the bubonic plague and flu epidemic set in motion an intensive decentralization of the Victoriaburg in 1920. The relocation of European and African elite traders to the neighborhoods of Ridge and Adabraka respectively, is a history that can hardly be read from the fading lines and deteriorating structures of these houses now enveloped by an unrelenting mass of rural migrants. Migrant status today is a huge determinant in understanding the production of residential space in the city of Accra. In the two decades, following independence in 1956, government-led versus non-government residential and commercial space development are ultimately directly correlated to the migrant’s economic and cultural status. However the adoption of neoliberal policies by the Rawling’s administration in 1983, fostered a massive change in the urban fabric of Accra. Liberalization manifested itself in Structural Adjustments Programs (SAPS) that undoubtedly created an atmosphere that built the foundation for local and global forces that are shaping the city today.

Essential policies of SAPS that favor deregulation, privatization of national industries, economic competition, export and import control freedom and decentralization are reflected in a city whose streets are littered with abundant ‘tro-tro’s, whose roads marches towards its built forms and not the other way round and whose houses are built with imported cement, steel and glass.

In an economy that heavily leans on hard cash, sits on a historically unstable money market and fragile social security system, it is the house that proves to be the safest investment for Ghanaians on the local and global scene. And with a bottomless pit of housing shortage since independence, housing is a product guarantees inexhaustible good yield.

The house has been a plane unto which the modern Ghanaian’s hopes and dreams have been projected upon; its birth and completion intricately mapping socioeconomic negotiations of local and global. In investigating the effects of the credit-crunch on a cash-based economy, perhaps looking at Accra’s architecture– the ultimate destination of the cash-trail may provide a deeper understanding.

MAP(sketch) of the article:

i. Historical background of Accra 1890-1960

a. 1920decentralization sparked by colonial administration,

b. city expansion by government beginning 1960,

c. 1983 liberalization effects on housing industry

d. 1991 larger scale and faster momentum of liberalization

ii. Contemporary Accra: product of this history

iii. Space/time Map (image)

The image is an intro to two vastly different neighborhoods in Accra

a. Case study #1: Adabraka (1930 neighborhood privately financed by African bourgeoisie traders)

b. Case study #2: East Legon (1970-present—Accra’s most rapidly expanding housing development)

Why these two areas?

I choose to present these two areas because they possess a class of inhabitants that live in the ‘gray’ area between the old and new. In Adabraka they are those living in deteriorating gigantic homes of former glory and in East Legon they are those living in uncompleted massive houses that have fallen short of funding over a long period of time. Somewhere between these deteriorating and creating spatiotemporal scales, these people are uniquely positioned in understanding the socioeconomic growth of Accra.


Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness

Pic taken in Tamale, Ghana (December 2007).

There’s a story to this picture, it’s complex. But here are the facts

It begins with water…dirty water. And a man who makes about $20 profit a month creating a revolutionary filtration system using scrap metal. The most expensive component of the machine is sold in this shop for $10.

This kid’s education will probably be secured by the survival of this small-scale innovative business.


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